Rituels de mariage en Anatolie : Le Coran, le cadenas et le couteau

« Ils ont placé le Coran sur la tête de la mariée, lui ont mis un cadenas dans la bouche et lui ont fait tenir un couteau. Mais pourquoi ? »

En bas : « Dans les cérémonies d’accueil de la mariée et d’entrée dans la maison en Anatolie, quels rituels appliquez-vous chez vous ? » Parties parlées : « Que la bouche et la langue de ceux qui disent du mal se ferment, que les sorts soient brisés. » « Selon l’ijtihad de notre imam, l’Imam Azam (Abou Hanifa) de l’école hanafite : Ô Mümin, fils d’Ahmet, as-tu accepté Gülbahar, fille de Beşir, comme épouse légitime et comme femme ? » « Je l’ai prise, je l’ai acceptée. »

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The Voice of a Timeless Heritage: Kayhan Kalhour

Kurdish music finds one of its most profound and eloquent voices in Kayhan Kalhour, a master whose artistry seems to carry the memory of an entire people. Through the haunting resonance of the kamancheh, Kalhour does more than perform—he evokes landscapes, histories, and unspoken emotions that transcend borders. His music subtly suggests a dialogue between tradition and modernity, where ancient Kurdish melodies are not merely preserved but reimagined with a quiet brilliance. In his hands, each note feels like both a remembrance and a quiet defiance, hinting at stories that words alone could never fully capture.

 

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Special Kurdish History Book Selection at Alcazar Library in Marseille

 

The famous Bibliothèque l’Alcazar in Marseille is not only a library full of books, but also an important cultural space that brings together different cultures and histories from around the world. In the “Civilisations” section of the library, a new thematic reading corner focuses on Kurdish history, politics, and literature.

This special selection gives visitors a chance to better understand the Kurdish people and their historical background. On the information panel prepared by the library, it is explained that the aim of this collection is to provide “keys to understand the reality and context of a people who are at the center of current events.” Visitors are also encouraged to go beyond quick news and explore the topic in a deeper way.

The collection includes a wide range of French-language books. Academic works about Kurdish history and political developments stand out. Titles such as Les Kurdes et leur histoire (The Kurds and Their History) and Le Kurdistan d’Irak 1918–2008 (Iraqi Kurdistan 1918–2008) explore the historical and political evolution of the region. Other books focus on recent conflicts and provide different analytical perspectives on ongoing issues.

Human stories and personal testimonies are also an important part of the selection. Works like Leyla Zana’s prison writings and other texts about imprisonment highlight not only the political dimension of the Kurdish question, but also its human and social impact.

In a multicultural city like Marseille, this type of thematic collection highlights the important role of libraries in society. Experts note that such initiatives help readers gain different perspectives and encourage a more informed understanding instead of relying on stereotypes or surface-level information.

The Kurdish history corner at the Alcazar Library offers visitors more than just books. It also invites them to think differently and engage more deeply with complex topics. The library aims to promote plurality of voices and encourage further research.

For visitors, this special section becomes an opportunity to get lost among books and discover the world from a wider perspective.

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The Kurdish Region A Beacon of Progress in the Middle East

 

In recent years, the Kurdish region has emerged as a symbol of stability and advancement in a region often marked by conflict. The Kurdish people have shown remarkable resilience, creating a dynamic society that embraces both tradition and modernity.

Economically, Kurdistan is demonstrating steady growth, attracting investment, and nurturing entrepreneurial initiatives. Its cities, including Erbil and Sulaymaniyah, are becoming hubs of commerce and innovation, reflecting a vision for sustainable development.

Politically, the region has made important strides in strengthening democratic governance. Local institutions are increasingly transparent and inclusive, providing a model for civic participation in the Middle East.

Culturally, the Kurds are preserving their rich heritage while promoting education and gender equality. Women’s empowerment initiatives and educational reforms are fostering a generation of leaders who are shaping a more equitable society.

Regional Developments: Steps Toward Autonomy and Federation

Beyond Iraq, Kurdish communities in neighboring countries are also pursuing paths toward greater self-governance.

In Iran, Kurdish areas have experienced ongoing conflicts, but local communities continue to express aspirations for federal structures that would grant meaningful autonomy. Kurdish leaders and civil society advocate for cultural rights, local governance, and economic opportunities. Despite tensions, these movements reflect a persistent hope for peaceful coexistence, political inclusion, and recognition of Kurdish identity within the Iranian state.

Kurdish Response Amid the US–Israel–Iran Conflict

Amid the ongoing military campaign launched by the United States and Israel against Iran, which has entered its second week, Kurdish communities in Iranian Kurdistan (Rojhelat) are responding with cautious optimism and pragmatism.

• Kurdish Militias and Political Forces: Some Iranian Kurdish opposition groups have been in contact with U.S. officials, exploring potential roles if the conflict expands. However, they currently avoid cross-border attacks, emphasizing that any involvement should be strategic and voluntary.

• Local Kurdish Expectations: Civilians and activists hope that the current instability may create political space for reforms, greater cultural rights, and autonomy. At the same time, leaders stress avoiding actions that could endanger Kurdish civilians or escalate regional tensions.

• Broader Outlook: Kurdish communities maintain a mix of cautious hope and pragmatic restraint, balancing the desire for self-determination with the need to remain independent from external military agendas.

In Turkey, grassroots initiatives and political movements are advocating for expanded regional autonomy, focusing on cultural preservation, Kurdish-language education, and local governance reforms.

In Syria, Kurdish regions have successfully established self-administration structures that prioritize democracy, women's rights, and pluralism, serving as a model for decentralized governance even in a complex conflict environment.

By fostering dialogue, inclusive governance, and regional cooperation, Kurdish communities across Iraq, Iran, Turkey, and Syria are demonstrating a shared commitment to peace, stability, and prosperity. Their experiences highlight the potential of autonomy and federation as tools for development, cultural preservation, and regional harmony, even in areas affected by conflict.

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Öcalan’s “Manifesto for Peace and a Democratic Society” Outlines Vision for Political Resolution

 Abdullah Öcalan’s book, The Manifesto for Peace and a Democratic Society, presents a broad political framework aimed at addressing the long-running Kurdish question and redefining governance, democracy, and social organization in the Middle East.

In the manifesto, Öcalan argues that nation-state–centered politics have failed to resolve ethnic, social, and political conflicts in the region. Instead, he proposes a model based on what he calls “democratic confederalism,” emphasizing local governance, grassroots participation, and communal decision-making over centralized state authority.

A central theme of the book is the pursuit of peace through democratic transformation rather than armed conflict. Öcalan calls for dialogue, political inclusion, and legal reforms as the primary means to resolve tensions between the Turkish state and the Kurdish population. He frames peace not only as the absence of violence but as the establishment of social justice, cultural recognition, and political equality.

The manifesto also places strong emphasis on gender equality, environmental sustainability, and pluralism. Öcalan describes women’s liberation as a key pillar of democratic society and argues that ecological balance and cultural diversity are essential for long-term stability.

Written while Öcalan is serving a life sentence in İmralı Prison, the book has attracted attention both domestically and internationally. Supporters view it as a roadmap for peaceful coexistence and democratic reform, while critics question its practicality and highlight Öcalan’s role as the founding leader of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), which is designated as a terrorist organization by Turkey, the European Union, and the United States.

Despite the controversy surrounding its author, The Manifesto for Peace and a Democratic Society continues to be referenced in academic, political, and civil society discussions, particularly in debates over conflict resolution, decentralization, and democracy in the Middle East.

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When One Voice Gave Courage to Thousands Leyla Zana

 

I first saw Leyla Zana in Bulanık sometime in 1991 or 1992. Thousands of people had gathered in the town’s marketplace to welcome her. She stood on a simple wooden chair, elevated just enough to be seen by the crowd. The yellow, red, and green scarf wrapped around her neck, and the hair clip in the same colors, are images that have stayed with me ever since. All around her were people watching with enthusiasm, listening with rapt attention—some unable to hold back their tears, others smiling with a joy that lit up their faces.

That day, it was not just one person being welcomed. Years of suppressed emotions, unspoken words, and unfinished dreams were finding a voice in that square. The crowd was filled with hope, defiance, and resilience. The same expression was visible on every face: “We are here too.” When Leyla Zana spoke, silence would fall; when she paused, slogans rose with applause and seemed to blend into the sky.

In that moment, I witnessed for the first time how the mere presence of a single person could give courage to thousands. Years have passed since then, and time has changed many things, but the image of that day—the enthusiasm of the crowd and the hope in people’s eyes—remains vivid in my mind. Some moments never make it into history books, yet they never fade from memory. The day I first saw Leyla Zana in Bulanık is exactly such a moment for me.

The Leyla Zana I saw that day had already come from a life shaped by hardship and resistance. She was born in 1961 in a village near Silvan, in Diyarbakır province. Married at a very young age, she spent her early years amid poverty, pressure, and limited opportunities. She learned Turkish later in life but held firmly onto her Kurdish identity. Perhaps this was what made her so powerful in the eyes of the people: her personal story closely mirrored that of her community.

In the 1991 general elections, she was elected to the Turkish Grand National Assembly as a member of parliament from Diyarbakır through an alliance between the People’s Labor Party (HEP) and the Social Democratic Populist Party (SHP). Her presence in parliament alone marked a historic rupture. Yet the moment that brought her national and international attention was her oath-taking ceremony. The few sentences she spoke in Kurdish triggered a political storm. Instead of applause, she faced outrage; instead of understanding, hostility. The anger that erupted in parliament that day reflected an entrenched intolerance toward an identity that had long been denied.

What followed was even harsher. Her parliamentary immunity was lifted, she was tried, and in 1994 she was imprisoned along with her colleagues. Nearly ten years behind bars followed. Yet outside the prison walls, her name continued to be spoken with hope—just as it had been in the square in Bulanık. In 1995, the European Parliament awarded her the Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought, a sign that her struggle had resonated beyond Turkey’s borders.

When she was released, she was no longer just a politician but a symbol shaped by sacrifice. Her political life continued with many ups and downs: parties were closed, paths were blocked, and new beginnings were attempted. At times she was criticized, at times accused of falling short of expectations. Her silences were debated as much as her words; her restraint carried as much meaning as her defiance. Yet regardless of these controversies, Leyla Zana’s name remained inseparable from the most critical periods of the Kurdish political struggle.

In my memory, however, she is still the woman standing on a wooden chair in Bulanık, instilling courage in a crowd with a tricolor scarf around her neck. All the contradictions, debates, and fractures of her political career aside, what she represented that day was far simpler: a people’s need to say, “I exist.”

Perhaps this is why some names are remembered not only for what they did, but for where they stood. For me, Leyla Zana remains one of those rare figures who carried pain, courage, and hope all at once. What history will ultimately write about her is uncertain—but she has already been written into the hearts of those whose eyes filled with tears in that square in Bulanık.

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Dialogue, Kurdish Unity, and Western Relations in the Contemporary Middle East

 

General Mazloum Abdi’s statement — emphasizing dialogue as a path to resolving Syria’s crisis — reflects a broader strategic recalibration by Kurdish political and military actors in the Middle East. His remark underscores two key dynamics: the long-standing absence of meaningful political dialogue within Syria and the evolving role of Kurdish-led institutions in shaping the region’s future.

1. Dialogue as a Strategic Tool

When Abdi points to the “loss of dialogue” as a leading cause of state failure, he implicitly contrasts Damascus’s entrenched authoritarianism with the Syrian Democratic Forces’ (SDF) attempt to promote a governance model based on negotiation, inclusion, and decentralized administration.
In northern and eastern Syria, the Autonomous Administration has framed dialogue not simply as a rhetorical stance but as a practical mechanism for survival. Surrounded by competing powers — Turkey, the Assad government, Russia, and various non-state armed groups — the SDF’s reliance on dialogue is both a necessity and a political message to international partners.

2. Kurdish Unity: A Persistent Challenge

Across the Middle East, Kurdish political movements remain fragmented by ideology, geography, and loyalty to local power structures. Kurdish unity has long been discussed in northern Syria, northern Iraq, Turkey, and Iran, yet remains difficult to operationalize due to:

• ideological differences (e.g., PYD/PKK-aligned actors vs. KDP-aligned groups),

• regional rivalries (Ankara–Erbil, Tehran–Baghdad, Damascus),

• divergent visions for autonomy and statehood.

Nevertheless, the instability of the region — from ongoing conflicts in Syria and Iraq to Iran’s internal pressures — has renewed calls for a more coordinated Kurdish political strategy. Dialogue initiatives between Syrian Kurdish factions, often supported by Western actors, demonstrate recognition that unity would increase Kurdish political leverage and reduce intra-Kurdish vulnerability.

3. Relations with the West: Cooperation, Ambiguity, and Dependence

The West, and especially the United States, remains the SDF’s most critical external partner. This relationship is primarily driven by:

• counter-ISIS cooperation,

• the SDF’s role as a stabilizing force in a fragmented region,

• Western interest in preventing a security vacuum in northeastern Syria.

However, this partnership continues to be marked by ambiguity. Washington’s strategic priorities — managing relations with Turkey, limiting Iranian influence, and balancing Russian activity — sometimes clash with long-term Kurdish aspirations. Although the West recognizes the SDF’s effectiveness, it has shown limited support for their political project beyond counterterrorism objectives.

This leaves Kurdish actors in a delicate position: militarily indispensable but politically uncertain. As a result, leaders like Abdi emphasize dialogue not only toward Damascus but also toward regional and global stakeholders, framing Kurdish governance as a moderate, pragmatic alternative in a volatile landscape.

4. The Path Forward

The future of Kurdish political influence in the Middle East depends on three interconnected factors:

1. Internal Kurdish cohesion — greater unity would strengthen negotiating power and enhance long-term viability.

2. Sustained Western engagement — particularly from the U.S. and EU, whose diplomatic and military support remains foundational.

3. A workable settlement with Damascus — ensuring autonomy, security, and political representation without total dependence on external powers.

Mazloum Abdi’s emphasis on dialogue serves as a strategic signal: the Kurdish-led administration seeks political solutions, not confrontation, and aims to position itself as an indispensable actor in shaping a post-conflict Syria. Whether this strategy can be realized depends largely on regional power politics and the West’s willingness to transform tactical cooperation into a broader

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The Israel-Iran War and the Political Autonomy and Self-Governance Prospects of Eastern Kurdistan

 

The Israel-Iran War and the Political Autonomy and Self-Governance Prospects of Eastern Kurdistan (Rojhilat) Kurds: Opportunities and Risks

Eastern Kurdistan (Rojhilat), located in western Iran, is home to a significant Kurdish population, primarily residing in the provinces of Kurdistan, West Azerbaijan, Kermanshah, and Ilam. Comprising approximately 7-10% of Iran’s population, the majority of Rojhilat Kurds are Sunni Muslims. Iran’s centralized policies and suppression of Kurdish cultural, linguistic, and political rights have kept autonomy demands alive throughout history. A potential war between Israel and Iran could disrupt regional dynamics, creating both opportunities and significant risks for Rojhilat Kurds. This analysis examines the impact of such a conflict on the prospects for political autonomy and self-governance in Rojhilat, through geopolitical, historical, and socio-political lenses.

Historical Context

Rojhilat Kurds have played a significant role in modern Iranian history, particularly in their struggles for autonomy and independence. The short-lived Mahabad Republic, established in 1946 with Soviet support, remains a symbol of Kurdish aspirations for self-governance. Following the 1979 Iranian Revolution and the 1988 Iran-Iraq War, Kurds faced intense migration pressures and assimilation policies. Organizations such as the Kurdistan Democratic Party of Iran (KDPI) and the Free Life Party of Kurdistan (PJAK) have pursued autonomy or independence through differing ideological approaches. However, Iran’s strong centralized control and the presence of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) have consistently suppressed these efforts.

Potential Scenarios of an Israel-Iran War and Impacts on Rojhilat

A war between Israel and Iran could manifest directly or indirectly through proxy forces. Iran’s proxies, such as Hezbollah and Hashd al-Shaabi, along with its nuclear program, are key concerns for Israel. Such a conflict could weaken Iran’s internal stability, potentially creating space for Rojhilat Kurds to advance their political goals. Below, the potential impacts on Rojhilat are analyzed.

1. Opportunities

a. Iran’s Internal Weakness and Loosening Central Control

In a war scenario, Iran would likely divert significant resources to external fronts, potentially reducing its capacity to enforce repressive policies in Rojhilat. The 2022 protests sparked by Jina Amini’s death demonstrated the potential for Kurdish mobilization against the regime. A war could reignite such movements, creating opportunities for autonomous governance.

b. Regional and International Support

Israel’s historical “periphery doctrine” has fostered ties with Kurdish groups, making it a potential supporter of Rojhilat Kurds to weaken Iran. Israel could provide logistical or military assistance. Additionally, the United States’ stance against Iran could indirectly bolster Kurdish movements in Rojhilat, similar to the support given to the PYD/YPG in Syria.

c. Integration with Regional Kurdish Movements

Rojhilat Kurds share cultural and political ties with the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in Iraq and the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria. A war could enhance cooperation among these groups. For instance, the KRG’s economic and military capacity could provide logistical support to Rojhilat’s movements.

d. Inspiration for Self-Governance Models

The autonomous administration model in Syria could serve as a blueprint for Rojhilat. This commune-based, multi-ethnic, and women-focused model has the potential to unite diverse ethnic and religious groups in Rojhilat. The chaos of war could provide an opportunity to experiment with such a model.

2. Risks

a. Iran’s Harsh Crackdowns

Iran is likely to view any autonomy efforts in Rojhilat as “separatism” and respond with severe repression. The IRGC’s strong presence in the region and past assassinations of KDPI leaders highlight the gravity of this risk. A war could make Iran more paranoid, intensifying crackdowns on Kurds.

b. Regional Actors’ Conflicting Interests

Turkey, Iran, and Syria share a common opposition to Kurdish autonomy. Turkey’s operations in Afrin, Syria, demonstrate its stance against Kurdish self-governance. Support from Israel could unite these regional powers against Rojhilat’s Kurdish movements, potentially isolating them.

c. Internal Divisions

Rojhilat’s Kurdish movements are fragmented due to ideological and strategic differences. The KDPI’s reformist approach contrasts with PJAK’s more radical stance, hindering a unified autonomy vision. Additionally, tensions between tribal structures and modern political movements could complicate self-governance efforts.

d. International Indifference

The international community has shown less interest in Iran’s Kurdish issue compared to those in Syria or Iraq. A war’s impact on global energy markets and Iran’s nuclear program may overshadow Kurdish autonomy demands. Furthermore, Israel’s support could label Kurdish movements as “pro-Israel,” undermining their legitimacy.

Strategic Recommendations for Autonomy and Self-Governance

1. Diplomatic Efforts: Rojhilat Kurds should intensify lobbying through civil society organizations and the diaspora to gain international legitimacy. The Syrian autonomous administration’s office in Geneva serves as an example of such a strategy.

2. Unified Front: KDPI, PJAK, and other groups should unite around a shared autonomy vision. Dialogues between TEV-DEM and ENKS in Syria offer lessons for such efforts.

3. Multi-Ethnic Governance: Collaboration with Fars, Azeri, and other groups in Rojhilat could enhance the inclusivity of an autonomous administration. The Syrian model provides a useful framework.

4. Economic Independence: Post-war economic chaos may necessitate strengthening local economies in Rojhilat. Trade ties with the KRG could be critical in this process.

An Israel-Iran war presents both a historic opportunity and significant risks for Rojhilat Kurds. Iran’s potential weakening could create space for autonomy, but opposition from regional actors and internal divisions may limit these prospects. The success of Rojhilat Kurds will depend on their ability to forge a unified political vision, secure international support, and develop an inclusive governance model. The experiences of Kurds in Syria and Iraq serve as both inspiration and cautionary tales. Future developments will hinge on how effectively Rojhilat Kurds navigate this complex geopolitical landscape.

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A Farewell to Two Great Hearts Ali Haydar Kaytan and Rıza Altun

 

In the long and painful journey of resistance, there are those whose names transcend the battlefield and become eternal symbols of commitment, courage, and unwavering belief in justice. Ali Haydar Kaytan and Rıza Altun were such souls — two great hearts who dedicated their entire lives to a cause larger than themselves.

Ali Haydar Kaytan, a founding member of the PKK, was not just a revolutionary, but also a thinker, a poet of the struggle. His clarity of vision and deep philosophical grounding helped shape a movement that has challenged oppression for decades. He was a man of words, but also of action — a leader who never asked of others what he wouldn’t do himself. In his humility and simplicity lived the greatness of a true fighter for freedom.

Rıza Altun, a comrade in arms and spirit, was a tireless organizer and a profound strategist. He believed not only in resistance but in transformation — of individuals, of society, and of history. Through his work, his writings, and his unshakable will, he inspired thousands. His life was marked by sacrifice, but also by love — love for his people, for justice, and for a future that belongs to all.

Today, as we say farewell to these two remarkable individuals, our hearts are heavy, yet full of pride. They have left us not in silence, but in the echo of their deeds. The mountains they walked, the words they spoke, and the lives they touched will forever remind us that true greatness lies in standing for what is just — even when the cost is life itself.

May the memory of Ali Haydar Kaytan and Rıza Altun live on in every step of the struggle, in every dream of freedom, and in every heart that refuses to surrender.

Rest in power, comrades. You are not gone — you have become part of the wind, the earth, and the unbreakable will of a people who continue your path.

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The Epic Soundscapes of Kayhan Kalhor A Kurdish Virtuoso Bridging Worlds

 

When words fall short, music speaks—and in the case of Kayhan Kalhor, it sings of longing, resilience, and the boundless spirit of a people. A master of the kamancheh, Kalhor is more than a virtuoso; he is a storyteller whose bow draws ancient landscapes and untold epics across the strings of his instrument.

Born into a Kurdish family in Iran, Kalhor's musical journey has spanned continents and genres. Deeply rooted in the classical traditions of Persian and Kurdish music, his compositions transcend cultural boundaries. His collaborations with artists from India, Turkey, and the West—like Yo-Yo Ma’s Silk Road Ensemble—have brought traditional Middle Eastern sounds to global audiences without compromising their authenticity.

What makes Kalhor's music truly powerful is its emotional depth. Pieces like Silent City and I Will Not Stand Alone are not just compositions; they are meditations on exile, memory, and home. His music is often wordless, but it speaks volumes—evoking wide open deserts, mountain winds, and the ache of displacement. The kamancheh in his hands becomes an extension of the voice, weeping and soaring with extraordinary expressiveness.

If you're new to Kalhor's work, here are a few essential tracks and albums to explore:

• "Silent City" (with Brooklyn Rider) – A haunting tribute to the Kurdish city of Halabja, destroyed in the 1988 chemical attack.

• "I Will Not Stand Alone" – A deeply personal album blending tradition with contemporary resonance.

• "Hawniyaz" – A collaboration with Kurdish singer Aynur and pianist Salman Gambarov, weaving classical Kurdish poetry into lush musical textures.

Listening to Kayhan Kalhor is not just an artistic experience—it’s a journey through the soul of a culture, a people, and a musician whose bow continues to echo the stories of the past while carving new ones for the future.

If you’re looking for music that’s both grounding and transcendent, steeped in history yet entirely alive—start with Kayhan Kalhor.

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Kurdistan Independence Initiative

We Stand Wholeheartedly with You in the Process of Independence  Statement from the Kurdistan Independence Initiative

Dear Mr. Masoud Barzani,
President of the Kurdistan Region

Given the current conditions in Iraq, the Middle East, and the world, the time is ripe for Southern Kurdistan to take steps toward independence. The move toward independence is the most natural and legitimate right of our nation, which has been subjected to historical injustices.

This historic moment must not fall victim to internal political conflicts. Our hope and expectation is that political, religious, national, social, civil, and official institutions will put aside all differences and speak with one voice, in unity, during the independence process.

Mr. President, the goal and greatest dream of millions of Kurds and Kurdistanis is for the South to gain independence and become a safe haven for all of Kurdistan.

Our desire and expectation is for the powers and parties of Kurdistan to achieve the broadest possible unity in order to ensure the success of the independence process. Your unifying and leading role in taking this deci

The entire world must know that we stand wholeheartedly with you in

---

With the decision for an independence referendum having

With patriotic sentiments, the individuals who formed the Southern Kurdistan Independence Initiative:
Abit Gürses, Ceyhun Arslan, Vildan S. Tanrıkulu, Zozan Agid, Caziye Haco, Midia Cigerxwîn, Helal İsmail, Ako Gerdi, Temurê Xelil, Alan Fatohi, Reza Seyid Nejad.

The following individuals have supported this campaign with their valuable signatures:

The full list of names follows, unaltered, as per the original.

Halmat Mahmad Bawa, Brader Mûsikî, Hursit Kaplan, Şermin Bozarslan

Salih Kobani, Baran dersimi, Dayssam Haco, Şeyhmus Özzengin, Remzî Kerîm

Bawer Epözdemir, Bedirxan Epözdemir, Kovan Amedî, Hilal Alis, Vural Akgül

Pervin Alis, Ibrahim Uçar, Sukrî Demir, Mustafa UZUN, Mamoste Nûjen

Ilias Arian Shaddadi, Siyabend Kaya, Muzaffer Sipan, Cemal Onursal, Ozgur Harmanci

Rodi Ilgen, Gulgin Bozarslan, Fahri Ölçer, Aso xabat, Hiwa Zakarya, Hawre Madani

Bella Sturki, Mohammad Moulod, Alan Amedi, Çeko Haci Yusuf, Jan Ziyan, Vahit Aba

Remzî Kerîm, Yusuf Seyhan, Cemal Can, Nehayat Ahmad, Arjin Zend, Mehmet Yigit

Sebriye Boti, Renas Azad, Abdullah Demirtaş, Ayhan Geveri

Mecid Şahin, Hamza Aydın, Erkan Çardakçı, Sonja Hagen, Viyan Khaled, Fuad gülmüş

Battal Atlı, Sinan Alkayış, Şefîq Pêşeng, Hedi Arif, Mehmet Yigit, Ferman Al Kasari

Serkan Dogan, Ali Ciftci, Hakan Ener, Mahmud Lewendi, Gulcin Önen, Dr Nesrin Dêrikî Önen

Abidin Alkoyun, Cemal Ciziri, Ziad Issa, Sinam Haco, Okan Demir, Feridun Yavuzer

Shahram Mirhaj, Yuosef Sabri  Nerwayİ, Salem Said, Ibrahim Ali Murad, Ismaeel Mohammed

Glawish Sharif, Bakr Haje rahem, Azad h Shekh YouniS, Mehmet Sait Tank, Hüseyin yilmaz

Cemal Saygılı, Ramazan Demirörs, Narin Nadirova, Mehmet Tanriverdİ, Mehmet Yigit

Nebi Mistoyan, Fereydoun Seyyedi Sardasht, Hejarê Şamil, Nure Cewari, Sakib Uzun

Mehmet Tanrıkulu, Azad Salawati, Mehmet Sıddık Degirmen, Ibrahim Demir, Sabri Sevim

Yilmaz Yildiz, Azad Lordini, Metin Özer, Ferik Sadei, Hazari Cetinkaya, Rashid Nadirov

Mehmet Buyuk, Cemil Elma, Hasan Alpergin, Hamza Osmanov, Cemal Budak

Mehmet Yahya Ekmen, Cahide Öztaş, Dogan Karatas, Edıp Oner, Besim Gezici, Mehmet Taş

Mehmud Silopî, M Nuri ÖZKUR, Emrullah Bilir, Ilhami Mese, Aydin Dogru, Serap Bozkurt

Serhat Bertİ, Ali Aktekin, Alaaddin Orak, Mesut Bildik Sirac Ogur, Berna Karaca

 Nesim sevgi, Fahrettin Çağlar, Nazim Bicen, Abdulvahap Çam, Muslum Coban

İhsan Nuri Ataş, Muhammed Tugrul, Erkan Çardakçı, Zeynep Binici, Veysel Ozcoban

Emrullah Yaşar, Bsyram Deniz, Macıt Uçkun, Hüseyin Yalçınkaya, Ferhad Balkan

Mehmet Arslan, Seyran Duran, Orhan Bendas, Mehmet Dursun, Veysi Aykurt

Zanyar Gemici, Nezahat Yardimci, Salim Hassan, Riza Celik, Mehtap ışık, Aram Mirzade

Ahmet Mutlu, Anwar Kakai, Kheir Eddin Ali, Rezan İlter, Engin Bal, Nasser Sina

Hişyar Omar, Idris abdulsamad, Hozan Haco, Servet Yıldırım, Suwar Zedini, Roni güzel

Mustafa Çalıkoglu, Egit Binboga, Ferec Koyistani, Mansour Sedghi, Parvin Sidqi

Zehra Topgider, Sipan Ali Ismail, Hosein Bakhchi, Hüseyin Özalp, Mehmet Ali Duman

Kerem Senal, Haci Kardoxî, Bekir Uçar, Rafiq Baban, Cahit Çelik, Osman Cinar, Hikmet Agnig

Hatun Turan, Husamedin Motkizade, Ali Fikri Işık, Şakir Tutal, Pale Nujen, Sultan Arslan

Vakkas celik, Ciwan Dêrîkİ, Gurgin Bozan, Suayip Adlıg, Hamlet Muradov, Lorin Fissi

Saban Ciftci, Hedi Hamshin, Dilshad Kerkuki, Shapol  Pishnemaz, Sardar Mohammadian

Orhan Ates, Özgur Cihan Ruzeri, Zaher Husseini Idris Rashidi, Mansoor Saidi, Hasan Dere

Ахмет Гасанов Kazakhstan, Afsar Mohamadi, Seid Veroj, Reber Gardi

Yılmaz Elçi, Dayssam Haco, Mehlika Ferhunde Gürlük, Metin Kumaraslan

Rociwan Yesil, Azad Hassan Cegerxwin, Esmer Aydogan, Salihê Omerî

Aboubakr Shamsaddin, Mahmut Kaya, Ali Jouma, Uso Kurdman, Khaled Kamal Darwish

Emrullah Bilir, Ciwan Haco, İsmail Besikci, Murat Çiroğlu, Reşo Zîlan, Ali K. Yildirim

Sanaria Karem, Berfin Pakdemir, Devran Berk, Davut Kandemir, Pelin öcal, Rohat Alis

Viyan Saganda, Roni Tanrikulu, Nuri Sınır, Remzi Kerim, Seyda Alpşen

 Vildan Tanrikulu, Leyla Yeşîl, Madhat Mohammad Sulaiman, Sinem Haco

Bizhan Farhadian, Rûşen Arslan, Abdullah Akbas, Nezir Akat, Aynur Engin, Kadri Bayik

Ekrem Onen, Cagin Atik, Fahri Seker, Seyfi Balta,Nebahat Karaduman

Pola Nanvazadegan, Yusuf Yeşil, Nihat Duran, Adam P. Ahlenius, Gulseren Alpergin

Ali Kaya, Sarah Hansen, Ramazan Acar, Sabahat Karaduman, Baskar Nazhadeian

Mehlika Ferhunde Gürlük, Oksana Cehova, Viyan Dilan Stérk, Ibrahim ucar

Reşid Batte, Hajar Asad Kandastar, Süleyman Güney, Nuran Maraşlı

Osman Bilici, Ciya bicimli, Kemal Cengiz, Hoshin Hajo, Yılmaz Elçi, Salim Celiker

Metin Mirxan, Enver Yuzen, Mehmet Kaya, Eyyüp Alacabey, Rzgar Ramadhan Muhammad

Sexmus Merge, Mencê Aldûr, Анкудинов Андрей, T.  Majid Abdulrahman

Djamilya Kochoyan, Ihsan Anlas, Necmi Aksoy, Lorin Fissi, Selma Ipek, Hatice Kosar

Nedim Baran, Pervin Alis, Narin Aras, Baran Dersimi, Bestun Gardi, Necat Azizoglu

Bercem Fritzell, Aco Gard, Omer Xelikan, Cemal onursal, Mehmet Tanriverdi

Sait Curukkaya, Muzaffer sipan, Haydar Yildiz, Hilal Alis, Uzeyir Al, Mustafa Zeyrek

Mustafa Ozcelik, Ibrahim Dag, Lukman Hajo, Adnan Sezer, Namik yildizhan

Mistefa Ozer, Nuri celik, Omar Moslli, Ahmed Barwari, Majıed Gohary, Yavuz ilyas

Adil Yasak, Diyar Cevahir, Mihemed Rezan, Ismail Topuz, Mehmet Nasir Faruk

Mehmet Ali Duman, Yilmaz Yildiz, Firat aslan, Jean-Emmanuel Cebah, Cahit Cagabey

Oertuen Zilfo, Seraceddin kirici, Eisa Fili, Cahide Ozdag, Aydin Altundag

Shamzin Jihani, ilyas Baran, Salih Dundar, K. Madon, Sabri Eray

Adnan Schakmakli, Dogan Arpaci, Mithat Atilgan, Refik Incir, Hussein sarokhan

Mustafa Omar, Aygul Mervan, Ciwan Amedi, Necip Pehlivanoglu, Selim Kalpak

Ali Saltik, Sefin Yasin, Sabuha Cetinkaya, Narine Hajo, Dursun Evren, Ismet Demrci

Esref Doganer, İsmet Demirci, Hilmi Aydin, Serif Ziyan, Nurettin Sarac, Serhadd Sever

Adalet Karaaslan, Mesud Djangoi, Amin Duhuki, Özgur Ugur, Ivan Sindy, Hakan Ener

Helena Nordkvist, Rezan Celik, Selahattin Fazla, Bertil Resosson, Ebdulxaliq Perik

Cihat Polat, Mehmet inci, Hozan Abas, Zafer Biçici, Ridvan Saman, Suphi Demir

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Mewan Dolamari, Omer Doner, Sedat Anter, Bengin Biyan, Amed Celiker, Alan Rasul

Serdar Fidan, Dr Bahat Haseeb Qaradakhy, Ewdil Direj Ararat, Baran Karaca

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Erol Can, Hivy Barwari, Osman Aydin, Zana Suphandagi Gormez, Şilan Yasar, Mahfuz Yildiz

Ismail Göz, Bawer Coskun, Welat Zeydanlioglu, Fatih Koca, Sedat Tuncer, Serdar İzol

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The Birth of Kurdish National Unity and a New Resistance

 A New Chapter for an Independent, Unified, and Free Kurdistan

The Dissolution of the PKK and a Historical Turning Point

In 2027, the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) decided to end its half-century-long armed struggle. The leadership announced the organization's dissolution at an international press conference. For the Kurdish people in Turkey, Iraq, Iran, and Syria, this declaration marked the end of an era and the beginning of an uncertain future.

However, Kurdish nationalism was rooted in an idea and the historical consciousness of a people. The PKK's disarmament did not signify the end of this idea. On the contrary, national consciousness began to reshape itself more clearly and in a more organized manner.

The Anger of the New Generation: United Kurdistan National Movement (UKNM)

In the vacuum following the PKK, a young, educated, and radical cadre emerged from all four parts of Kurdistan (Bakur, Başûr, Rojhilat, Rojava), including the diaspora. This new structure, named the "United Kurdistan National Movement (UKNM)," adopted a confederal, secular, and nationalist approach, distancing itself from centralized ideology.

UKNM declared a "People's Armed Resistance," arguing that peaceful means could not achieve their goals. Their objective was to weaken central authorities through simultaneous armed actions in Kurdish regions, draw international attention, and ultimately establish an independent Kurdish state.

A New Doctrine in Armed Struggle

The armed wing of the new movement, the Kurdistan National Resistance Forces (KNRF), adopted hybrid warfare methods instead of classical guerrilla tactics:

• Coordinated attacks in urban centers,

• Sabotage of energy infrastructure,

• Cyber warfare and propaganda activities,

• Financial and logistical support from the international Kurdish diaspora.

The initial actions were simultaneously carried out in Diyarbakır, Mahabad, Qamishli, and Erbil against enemies of the Kurds. In the operation called "4 Cities in 4 Hours," security units of occupying forces in Kurdistan were targeted, with a primary principle of avoiding harm to civilians. The movement maintained a disciplined yet decentralized cellular structure.

A New Unity in Kurdish Nationalism

This new wave aimed to build a pan-Kurdish national unity project, differing from the leftist ideological Kurdish movements of the 20th century. It sought to end the long-standing ideological and organizational divisions among the HDP line in Turkey, the KDP and PUK in Iraq, PJAK in Iran, and PYD in Syria.

With the slogan "One flag, four parts, one nation," UKNM aimed to become an umbrella movement that did not exclude ideological diversity but united on Kurdish identity and the idea of independence.

International Reactions and Regional Transformation

The USA, EU, and Russia responded cautiously to this new armed movement. While some countries supported the Kurdish struggle for rights, they refrained from openly endorsing armed actions.

Regional countries perceived these developments as a "national security threat" and initiated counter-operations. Martial law was declared in southeastern Turkey, while Iran and Syria launched joint border operations.

Kurds at the Threshold of History

The new Kurdish nationalism presents a more strategic, unified, and international profile, drawing from past experiences. How this movement evolves will profoundly affect not only the Kurdish people but also the futures of Turkey, Iran, Iraq, and Syria.

This new balance between armed struggle and political objectives could rewrite the destiny of a people. It may herald a new catastrophe or lead a revolution that changes the borders of the modern Middle East.

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Source: Cahit Çağabey, "Kurdish National Unity and the Birth of the New Resistance", January 8, 2016.

https://cahit-cagabey.blogspot.com/2016/01/kizil-kurdistan-rojava.html

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The Implications of PKK’s Decision to Lay Down Arms

 

The Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) announced today that it will lay down arms, marking a potentially historic turning point in Turkey's decades-long conflict with the group. While the declaration alone is significant, the real impact will depend on how this transition is managed by both the PKK and the Turkish state. The coming weeks will be critical in shaping the future of peace, political stability, and Kurdish rights in the region.

1. Immediate Security and Verification Measures

One of the first steps following such a declaration is ensuring that the ceasefire holds on both sides. Independent observers or third-party verification mechanisms could help confirm that the PKK is genuinely demobilizing. The Turkish government will likely maintain a cautious stance until it observes verifiable disarmament steps, such as the surrender or destruction of weapons and withdrawal from Turkish territory.

2. Reintegration and Amnesty Policies

If the process is to succeed, the reintegration of PKK fighters into civilian life will be essential. This may involve general or conditional amnesty programs, vocational training, and psychological support. Past examples, such as the Colombian peace process with FARC, demonstrate the importance of inclusive and well-structured reintegration initiatives.

3. Political and Legal Reforms

One of the main demands of the Kurdish movement has been increased cultural and political rights. The Turkish government may now face growing pressure—both domestically and internationally—to implement reforms that address Kurdish identity, language rights, and representation. Constitutional amendments or decentralization models could be topics of discussion, though such reforms would be politically sensitive.

4. Public Opinion and Social Cohesion

The success of the post-conflict period also hinges on public support. Mistrust between communities, nationalist sentiments, and the legacy of violence can all hinder reconciliation. Civil society organizations, media, and political leaders will need to play a proactive role in promoting dialogue, tolerance, and healing.

5. International Implications

PKK’s disarmament could also shift regional dynamics, particularly in Iraq and Syria, where affiliated Kurdish groups have played significant roles. Turkey may leverage this development to strengthen its diplomatic ties or push for a re-evaluation of the status of Kurdish groups in neighboring countries. On the other hand, international actors may now expect Turkey to adopt a more democratic and inclusive approach to its Kurdish population.

While the PKK's decision to lay down arms opens a door to peace, the road ahead is fraught with political, legal, and societal challenges. Constructive engagement, mutual trust, and a genuine commitment to democratic values will be key to transforming this moment into a sustainable resolution. Both Ankara and Kurdish representatives must now seize the opportunity to redefine their relationship—not through conflict, but through dialogue.

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